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US GOVERNMENTS REPORTS |
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17 September 2002
State Department
Official Explains U.S. Position on Cuba
Says Cuba is attempting to impede U.S. war on terrorism
Because Fidel Castro's government in Cuba is "bankrupt, dictatorial and
anachronistic," there is broad agreement among the nations of the Western
Hemisphere on the need for democratic reforms within Cuba, says a senior
U.S. administration official.
Speaking September 17 before the National Summit on Cuba, Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State Daniel Fisk discussed President Bush's "Initiative for a
New Cuba," which aims to facilitate a transition to democracy in the island
nation.
Announced in May, the initiative challenges the Castro government to
implement political and economic reforms, including the holding of free and
fair elections for the National Assembly and the introduction of measures to
open Cuba's state-controlled economy.
The president has pledged to work with the U.S. Congress to ease the U.S.
trade embargo and travel restrictions between the United States and Cuba if
concrete reforms are undertaken.
Fisk dismissed arguments favoring the alteration of U.S. policy toward Cuba,
absent these reforms. He noted that advocates of "constructive engagement"
overlook the fact that commerce with Canada and the European Union has not
changed Castro's behavior. Fisk added that lifting current restrictions
would "benefit the Castro regime at the expense of the Cuban people and the
long-term American interests in a free and democratic Cuba."
He also addressed the subject of repression of the most basic freedoms in
Cuba by the Castro regime, and said that in addition to the Cuban
government's continued hostility toward the United States, "Mr. Castro and
his government are actually impeding our efforts to defeat the threat of
terrorism."
Beyond its lack of cooperation, "the Castro regime has actively and
intentionally worked, through human or electronic means, to distract
attention and resources from our ongoing counter-terrorist efforts," Fisk
contended. He said the Cuban government has done this in part by
intentionally providing false leads on potential terrorist attacks against
the United States.
U.S. policymakers must take into account the repressive nature of the Castro
regime and the futility of economic engagement under current circumstances,
as well as Cuba's continued hostility toward the United States and Castro's
efforts to impede the war on terrorism, Fisk said. In view of these factors,
the United States must continue to deny Castro the means to extend his
regime and must do all it can to assist the Cuban people "in their quest for
a society respectful of their fundamental rights and dignity," he concluded.
Following is the text of Fisk's remarks, as prepared for delivery:
Address by Deputy Assistant Secretary Daniel W. Fisk before the National
Summit on Cuba
Washington, D.C.
September 17, 2002
Congresswoman Emerson, thank you for your introduction. And thanks to the
organizers of this National Summit on Cuba for inviting me to discuss the
President's policy toward Cuba.
At the outset, I cannot resist noting how glad I am that we have the freedom
to openly discuss and debate our policy differences, as distinct from, say
Cuba, where the kind of dissenting voice that I represent in this forum
today would either be silenced or rewarded with a jail term.
Anyone involved in the debate on Cuba has to be struck by the fact that most
reasoned discussion starts with the assumption that the Castro regime is
bankrupt, dictatorial, and anachronistic. There is a broad acceptance that
the system of government imposed on Cuba by Mr. Castro must change, that the
Cuban people must be permitted to exercise their fundamental freedoms,
including the right to choose freely who will govern them and how they will
be governed.
The argument, then, revolves around how best to help the Cuban people
accomplish this goal.
U.S. Policy -- the Initiative for a New Cuba
U.S. policy seeks to encourage a rapid, peaceful transition to democracy in
Cuba. To this end, in May, the President announced his Initiative for a New
Cuba: an effort to promote Cuba's re-incorporation into the Western
Hemisphere's community of democracies.
The Initiative challenges the Castro government to undertake political and
economic reforms and conduct free and fair elections next year for the
National Assembly. It also challenges the Cuban government to open its
economy, allow independent trade unions, and end discriminatory practices
against Cuban workers. Without reform in these areas, unrestricted trade and
travel benefit the Castro regime, not the Cuban people.
The President made clear that his response to such concrete reforms will be
to work with the United States Congress to ease the restrictions on trade
and travel between the United States and Cuba.
Further, the President committed the United States to continue to work to
mitigate the suffering of the Cuban people by:
Facilitating meaningful humanitarian assistance by American religious and
other nongovernmental groups; -- Providing direct assistance to the Cuban
people through non-governmental organizations; -- Working to resume direct
mail service to and from Cuba; and -- Establishing scholarships in the
United States for Cuban students and professionals trying to build
independent civil institutions and for family members of political
prisoners.
Rather than debate tactics, however, I want to focus on the realities of
Cuba today, which is at the core of why we object to the Castro regime.
Economic Reality of Castro's Cuba
Some, including, I think, all the other speakers at this event, have argued
that this policy of reaching out to the Cuban people while continuing to
restrict the flow of American dollars to the Castro regime is out-of-date
and should be ended.
Their critiques of the policy are generally couched in three broad
arguments: the embargo policy has failed to change the regime, so let's
change the policy. Or, we trade with Communist China, so why not with
Communist Cuba? Or, the
"at-least-they-are-buying-our-products-so-why-not-give-them-financing" line
of reasoning.
These may seem plausible at first glance, but, in fact, they oversimplify
and ignore the record. Furthermore, lifting current restrictions would
benefit the Castro regime at the expense of the Cuban people and long-term
American interests in a free and democratic Cuba.
Many at this event have argued that America could help tear down the Castro
dictatorship by permitting thousands of American tourists to fill Mr.
Castro's hotel rooms - rooms built to generate revenue for the Castro regime
-- and by financing the regime's purchases of U.S. goods. In the case of
tourism, most of the revenues go to the regime, including specifically the
Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (MINFAR), which oversees many
joint ventures, including a large number in the tourist sector.
In the case of financing, it would relieve pressure to concede further
market reforms, thus helping to prolong the regime's command economy. And in
no case would tourism or commerce change Fidel Castro's behavior.
"Constructive engagement" by others, including Canada and members of the
European Union, has not changed the regime's behavior.
The argument for treating Cuba like China is superficial. The Chinese have
been following an economic reform model involving decentralization and the
emergence of a vibrant entrepreneurial class. China has worked to create a
legal and administrative framework conducive to foreign trade and
investment, albeit a framework that the international community would like
to see expanded. One result of these reforms is that independent
entrepreneurs account for half of China's non-agricultural production.
To date, Mr. Castro has rejected the Chinese economic reform model.
As for foreign trade and investment, the Castro regime has devised a
framework that raises costs and obstacles to foreign businesses, reserves
the benefits of such interactions to itself, and carefully controls any
impact on the general Cuban population. Joint ventures are not the product
of joint financing -- foreign firms finance most, if not all, of the
projects.
Moreover, the regime does not always pay its obligations. Mr. Castro has
effectively defaulted on payments to any number of creditors, be they
governments or private businessmen in Russia, France, Italy, South Africa,
and Chile. The regime owes international creditors somewhere in the range of
$16-20 billion, in addition to the $20-plus billion it owes Russia for
Soviet-era credits and aid.
Although some are in a rush to give Mr. Castro the opportunity, he has not
yet stiffed U.S. farmers, namely because he is required to pay cash or use
financing from third countries.
Further, with the average monthly wage of Cubans at $20, it is difficult to
imagine them buying a flood of U.S. products. Confirming this is anecdotal
evidence that the $100 million in agricultural commodities purchased by the
Cuban regime since the end of last year has largely ended up feeding the
regime elite or going to tourist hotels or dollar stores -- thus doing
nothing for 2/3rds of the Cuban population.
It's not at all clear how feeding visiting foreigners and the regime's elite
supports a democratic opening or the development of a market economy in
Cuba.
Human Rights and Democracy
Generally those who oppose current U.S. policy preface their remarks with an
obligatory "Castro is a thug, dictator, or tyrant" reference. The rest of
their remarks then gloss over what this means, how such a system seeks to
destroy a person's dignity and turn people against each other.
This is a dictatorship we are discussing. The most basic freedoms are
subject to limitations. The freedoms of speech, expression, and assembly are
severely curtailed, as are fundamental rights of privacy. Those who attempt
to exercise their fundamental rights can be subjected to harassment or
detention. Even daring to express the belief that Cuba belongs to all
Cubans, not just Mr. Castro, can result -- has resulted -- in prison terms.
Mr. Castro is a Machiavellian tyrant. He fully understands the political
environment he is operating in. His dictatorship is politically agile and
intelligent. And he appreciates political threats, including those emanating
from human rights monitoring organizations. Accordingly, the tactics of
Castro's secret police have evolved. They have moved away from 1960s-style
tactics of visible repression and routinely throwing dissidents into jail
for 30 years. Such measures just attract the attention of the many
international organizations committed to detecting and ending such abuses.
Today, State Security picks up and intimidates regime opponents, then
releases them before too much heat can be generated internationally.
Fortunately, not everyone is fooled. Amnesty International recently
observed: "Detained, threatened, evicted from their homes, or prevented from
leaving the country -- dissidents in Cuba are increasingly being subjected
to a range of punitive measures other than long-term imprisonment. ... Short
detentions and various forms of harassment are increasingly common. The
measures applied to stifle dissent may be changing, but the fact remains
that the freedom to express opinions, organize meetings, or form
organizations conflicting with government policies is still seriously
curtailed in Cuba."
Cuba's Latin American neighbors, along with others, have made note of the
lack of freedom in Cuba. In April, for the first time, Latin American
countries sponsored a resolution in the U.N. Commission on Human Rights
calling upon the Castro regime to improve its respect of human rights. This
effort was led by Uruguay, which itself suffered a period of military rule
before emerging as a vibrant democratic society. Uruguay was joined by
Mexico, Peru, Argentina, Costa Rica, Chile, and Guatemala, in an act of
solidarity with the Cuban people that declares Cubans are no less deserving
of freedom than others in this hemisphere.
Castro and the War Against Terrorism
When confronted with the political, economic, and human reality of Castro's
Cuba, critics usually fall back on the line that, at least, the Castro
regime is no longer a threat to the United States or, more recently, that
Castro has shown his willingness to cooperate with us in our efforts to
combat terrorism and should be rewarded.
This is a hollow argument, as is apparent by a review of recent statements
and events.
Mr. Castro has re-affirmed his solidarity with Iraq, and continues to give
Saddam Hussein political support. -- In Iran in May 2001, Mr. Castro is
reported to have expressed his interest in working with that country to
bring the United States to its knees.
Mr. Castro compares our President to Hitler and equates our efforts against
terrorism with the methods of the Nazis.
He continues to harbor fugitives from American justice, including murderers.
-- In the wake of September 11, at last year's U.N. General Assembly
session, Mr. Castro's Foreign Minister essentially accused us of engaging in
war crimes, alleging that our campaign to root out the Taliban involved a
"bombing campaign against [the Afghan] people."
Mr. Castro's Attorney General, in reference to the establishment of a
detention facility for terrorists at Guantanamo, laughingly told the press
last December, "I hope 15 or 20 [detainees] get out and kill them" -- "them"
being our fellow citizens serving at that U.S. base.
On September 21, 2001, the FBI arrested Ana Belen Montes on charges of
conspiracy to commit espionage against the United States on behalf of Mr.
Castro. Ms. Montes was the senior Defense Intelligence Agency analyst
responsible for Cuba. She pled guilty to the conspiracy charge in March of
this year.
Coincidentally, also in September, the Cuban agent involved in espionage
against the United States and who also was found guilty of the crime of
conspiracy to commit murder against American citizens -- specifically for
his role in the deaths of three American citizens and one legal permanent
resident in the shootdown of the Brothers to the Rescue aircraft in 1996 --
was to have been sentenced. He was ultimately sentenced to two life terms in
December of last year.
Most recently, as the Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence and
Research and the Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security
have stated, we believe that Cuba has "at least a limited, developmental,
offensive biological warfare research-and-development effort."
The list I just enumerated is itself sufficient to demonstrate Mr. Castro
abiding hostility toward the United States. But there is more: Mr. Castro
and his government are actually impeding our efforts to defeat the threat of
terrorism.
In the days following September 11, the United States put out a call to
countries of the world for any information they might have on al-Qaida or
other groups that might represent a terrorist threat to the civilized world.
The Castro regime responded with decades-old information, and it chose to be
misleading even about that. The frankness and openness with which our
requests were received in some unexpected quarters were completely absent
when it came to Mr. Castro's response.
In short, Mr. Castro provided the United States with nothing of any value.
If the story stopped there, I suppose that, at best, we could say that Cuba
had determined NOT to cooperate in the global effort against terrorism.
There is more, however.
The Castro regime has actively and intentionally worked, through human or
electronic means, to distract attention and resources from our on-going
counter-terrorist efforts. It has attempted to set-up our intelligence and
international law enforcement agencies with at least one "walk-in" a month
since September 11 purporting to offer information about pending terrorist
attacks against the United States or other Western interests. Even on the
very day of the bombings -- September 11, 2001 -- within hours of the
attacks on New York and Washington, Mr. Castro sent an agent to us with the
first such false lead.
Even as the Cuban regime was piously noting its horror over the attacks and
willingness to provide medical support to us, it was seeking to misdirect
the investigation. This was only the beginning of a steady stream of what
has turned out to be wild-goose chases intentionally initiated by the Castro
regime.
While our agencies have detected this pattern, due diligence requires them
to follow up on each and every lead or "walk-in" in order to fully determine
whether there is information of value.
Some might be willing to dismiss such intrigues as essentially harmless. I
would submit, however, that, in the post-September 11 world, diverting
counterterrorism resources from legitimate targets to pursue false leads
fabricated by Castro's intelligence apparatus diminishes our ability to
respond to real threat information.
This is not harmless game-playing. It is a dangerous and unjustifiable
action that damages our ability to assess real threats. This regime behavior
does not evidence a lack of cooperation; this is obstructionism - and I am
concerned that it could one day cost innocent people their lives.
Despite his disinformation campaign to portray himself as cooperating in the
fight against terrorism, the Castro regime's words and deeds reflect its
true motives.
He knows what side he is on, and it is not ours.
We must hold the course on U.S. opposition to the Castro regime. The Castro
regime represents a dark chapter in Cuba's history. It remains the oppressor
of the Cuban people; and it maintains its hostility towards the United
States. This is why we must hold the course on denying the Castro regime the
wherewithal to either repress Cubans or threaten us.
And it is why we must continue to reach out to the Cuban people, to
encourage and promote the creation of an independent civil society. Current
policies provide for non-governmental organizations and private citizens
with humanitarian, family, educational, or cultural reasons to engage with
the Cuban people. Despite the critics' mantra about a travel ban, Americans
can travel to Cuba to promote our values and better the lives of the average
Cuban. Private donations of foods and medicines are permitted; and the sale
of agricultural commodities is allowed.
Despite the repeated harassment by and threats from the regime, courageous
Cubans continue to strive to create a society based on democratic values and
respect for human rights. In May, in defiance of the Castro dictatorship, a
grassroots endeavor, Project Varela, garnered over 11,000 signatures on a
petition requesting a referendum on political and economic rights. Its
organizer, Oswaldo Paya, is a courageous and skillful individual, who has
succeeded in growing this pro-democracy initiative from within the corrupt
and bankrupt Communist system.
That the regime decided to permanently table this effort was predictable.
That Oswaldo Paya and the growing band of pro-democracy activists will
continue to have their voices heard is inevitable.
In recognition of his energy and vision for democracy, the National
Democratic Institute will give Mr. Paya its "W. Averell Harriman Democracy
Award" on September 30. Mr. Paya would very much like to travel to
Washington to accept the award, but refuses to consider leaving Cuba unless
the authorities give him an assurance that they will let him return.
Unfortunately, at this point it appears that the regime will not give him
that assurance. He has made clear that he will not leave to accept this
recognition if he cannot return to his homeland.
The question before us, then, is not whether to lift the restrictions on
trade and tourism but when and how. Does it make any sense to hand a
political victory and capital windfall to a hostile dictator in his final
days who is the single biggest obstacle to genuine economic and political
change? Or, does it make more sense to retain the leverage that we can use
with a transition government to ensure deep and broad political and economic
reform?
We must continue to signal our disapproval of Mr. Castro's rule and deny him
the means of holding on to power. We also must continue to be vigilant in
recognizing that, while he is an adept manipulator, Mr. Castro's malice
towards the United States has not abated. And we must continue to do all we
can to assist the Cuban people in their quest for a society respectful of
their fundamental rights and dignity.
This is at the core of what the United States seeks and it is at the heart
of the President's Initiative for a New Cuba.
Thank you.
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov) |
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