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NEWS



Wall Street Journal

THE AMERICAS

October 17, 2003

Venezuela's Reign of Terror
By MARY ANASTASIA O'GRADY

"At 4:45 on the morning of September 25, 90 well-armed military men burst into Los Semerucos, a PdVSA workers' camp in the [Venezuelan] state of Falcon, attacking some 300 residents with tear-gas bombs and rubber bullets, with the objective of evicting them from their homes."

So says Gente del Petroleo, a nongovernmental organization that represents former workers of the state-owned oil company (PdVSA), who Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez fired earlier this year because they went on strike. The workers were protesting what they say is the politicization by Mr. Chavez of a company long known for its merit-based promotions and management.

The group claims that since the strike, the unemployed oil workers have become targets of a government-sponsored campaign of violence and harassment designed to teach other would-be critics a lesson.

"The brutal action," Gente del Petroleo writes in an open letter of testimony, "in which men, women and children were savagely beaten and humiliated and in which 26 locals were arrested, marked the beginning of a more repressive phase of the political persecution that 20,000 Venezuelan families have been subjected to during all of this year, for their dissent from the government regime."

This is classic Chavez politics. In the Bolivarian Revolution, opponents are fair game in every sense. Indeed, enemies must be terrorized and destroyed, not only to remove a particular resistance but also to signal society that dissent is a dead end. The oil workers, who were middle-class and heavily dependent on the company, are just the right group to make an example of. For five years Mr. Chavez has preached hate, fomented odious class conflict and instructed his civilian supporters in the ways of Cuba's "acts of repudiation" against counterrevolutionaries. The assaults on the oil workers were entirely predictable.

What is more surprising is the response from Washington, or more accurately the lack thereof. In recent years, certain members of Congress have been seemingly overcome with preoccupation and sympathy for Latin American workers. Just this spring Michigan Democrat Sandy Levin traveled to Guatemala to insist that International Labor Organization standards be incorporated in trade agreements. Yet according to the labor syndicate that the fired Venezuelan workers have formed, Unapetrol, the U.S. Congress has not provided a lick of support for their cause. Mr. Levin explained to me yesterday that "no one in Congress or the administration has viewed this as a separate issue of labor rights but rather as part of a political struggle. To the extent that Chavez has violated core ILO standards it should be as much of a concern as it would be anywhere else."

A more cynical view might conclude that notwithstanding the rhetoric from the likes of Mr. Levin, Washington's real concern when it comes to Latin labor is ensuring that the cost of output from the developing world is sufficiently high to protect its labor constituency in the U.S.

Whether Congress recognizes it or not, the treatment of the fired PdVSA employees is nothing short of criminal. The crimes go well beyond the fact that the workers have been fired in a manner thoroughly inconsistent with Venezuelan law. One may argue that the government had a right to remove them because the strike paralyzed PdVSA. Yet no private sector company can remove striking employees in this way, and certainly not without paying a hefty severance. A Venezuelan court has ruled against PdVSA in the matter and the company has appealed to the Supreme Court. In the meantime it has ignored the lower court ruling.

There are also the housing evictions, nearly impossible under Venezuelan law and never with such terrifying force. Moreover, the court order that supposedly allowed the action was issued eight hours after troops moved in. Still, for Mr. Chavez, taking the workers' jobs and homes away was not enough. He has also confiscated their savings and pensions. To finish the job of destroying them, he has decreed to all contractors and suppliers of PdVSA, that under penalty of contract termination, they may not hire the former oil workers.

On Sept. 26, the Inter-American Regional Association of Workers, part of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, condemned the government's "attacks perpetrated against the workers and their defenseless families including women and very young children." It demanded that Venezuela "cease the inhuman harassment, persecution and repression against the PdVSA workers and their families and permit them access to their savings, which have been illegally confiscated by the company and the government." The AFL-CIO is a member of the Inter-American group but hasn't intervened directly.

Unapetrol has also appealed to the International Labor Organization for support. Unapetrol says "that process has been slow and bureaucratic, owing to the ILO's methods of analysis, which require a response from the government." It also says that the case has been hampered by the fact that the government has not allowed the ILO into the country. Still, Unapetrol is hoping for an ILO ruling in its favor in November.

On Tuesday, a Venezuelan NGO -- Force for Integration -- will use the case of the Los Semerucos evictions as part of its proof in oral arguments to a Spanish court that Mr. Chavez, Vice President Jose Vicente Rangel, Attorney General Isaias Medina and some 22 members of Mr. Chavez's tactical committee for the national revolution are committing crimes against humanity and acts terrorism.

The director of Force for Integration told me that the case includes evidence and testimony that proves Venezualan assistance to Colombian guerrillas and Cuban ties to the Chavez regime. But equally importantly the case will show the regime's atrocities against its own people. Indeed, the most alarming thing about this government is the legitimacy it claims as a democratically elected power on the one hand and the systematic suppression and eradication of the opposition on the other. Exhibit A to prove the government's bad faith is the organized vengeance -- military, paramilitary and financial -- unleashed against Mr. Chavez's opponents in the oil company.

URL for this article:
http://online.wsj.com/article/
0,,SB106634658082046000,00.html


Received from: S.A.VE Social Artistry Venezuela
http://www.sa-ve.org/



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